Regional Future

Thirty years after the war, ethnic identity still dominates the civic. In post-war society, the structure of ethnically divided space often makes civic initiatives impossible, as they are automatically attributed an ethnic sign.

How could political, social, educational and cultural development in Bosnia and Herzegovina – and more broadly in the region – affect how transgenerational memory will be preserved, reinterpreted or denied in the next 30 years?

"The dissolution of Yugoslavia began in the field of culture, among intellectuals, during the 1980s. That is why it is necessary for the opposite wave to start from there – one that will ask everyone to face themselves and say - enough is enough. This is already done by writers, filmmakers, theatres…They have to take their lapel societies and shake them well. They have to wake them up from collective hypnosis and put a mirror in front of their face."

"The fact is that you have half a country where a large number of people would prefer to leave that country tomorrow, who do not declare themselves as Bosnians and Herzegovinians or as citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but as citizens of Republika Srpska. That's a big problem. The region is different. We have Croatia and Slovenia, which are in the European Union and NATO, some others would like to be, some just say that they would like to be, but in fact they would not want to be. All of this influences narratives about the past."

"Transgenerational memory – memory that should be a warning, an insight, a path to healing – becomes a tool of manipulation. The education system is already teaching children not to understand war, but to take sides. Children in Mostar learn different stories in the same building. Young people in RS do not know what happened in Srebrenica. Young people in Sarajevo know nothing about Uzdol and Trusina. The truth is not reinterpreted here – parallel versions of reality are produced."

"Hate is, unfortunately, a high-octane political fuel. The national key that tried to unlock the post-Dayton future of Bosnia and Herzegovina locked the possibility of transforming this society into a civic one. In this context, transgenerational memory is shaped by perverting not the interpretation, but the facts themselves."

"The reality is predominantly aimed at the political level: to defeat the 'other', and not to seek and coordinate common interests with him through full cooperation. On that ground, the transgenerational memory in the next 30 years will completely, even to the end, mutually divide today's generations living in these areas."

"If the deepening of ethnic divisions, educational fragmentation and weakening of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina continue, we can only have 'more of the same' in the next thirty years. However, if young people awaken, if they realize that strengthening trans-ethnic and civic solidarity is the only way to create a functional state, it is possible to open up space for ethical learning and remembering the past. It all depends, of course, on what kind of society we will have."

"The ethno-national divide, which is predominant in many respects, needs to be pacified by developing institutional mechanisms that enable unity in diversity. As in other aspects of life, it is a measure, and the correct measures of ethno-national and civic identity are established by political actors."

"If there is a strengthening of civic values, education based on critical thinking and facts, and the affirmation of a culture of dialogue that questions the past, then transgenerational memory can become the basis for shared responsibility and resilience of society. Cultural and educational actors, civil society and the media have the potential to tell whole stories and thus create space for empathy and understanding between generations. The way in which a memory will be stored, reinterpreted or denied will depend on whether society chooses to confront the past or permanently close its eyes to it. The future of transgenerational memory will not only be determined by what is remembered, but also by who has the power to shape it and to what end."

"If they are influenced by independent civil society and relevant educated institutions, it is possible to create an authentic narrative about the past that will not serve to gain power, but to build a common future. The key lies in formal and informal education, through museums, digital platforms, art and public discussions. If young people are given access to facts, if they are encouraged to ask questions and seek answers, there is hope that transgenerational memory will become a tool for building peace rather than maintaining divisions."

"The struggle for the past will take place in political institutions, schools and culture, shaping the consciousness of new generations. I would like to witness an optimistic scenario in the coming decades in which unique, factual textbooks are introduced for the whole of BiH, ensuring that transgenerational memory rests on established facts instead of myths."

"If transgenerational memory continues to develop under the baton of ethnonationalism, then in 2055 we will have societies in which both the descendants of the perpetrators and the descendants of the victims will repeat the same sentences — which were once fronts for crime. But if the door of education is opened free of ideological shackles, if the culture of memory is based on documents, not frescoes, if survivors are given a voice, not forgers — there is a chance."

"If some social changes occur due to the closure of borders in the EU, i.e. organizing people for resistance to both domestic and foreign elites, conditions may be created for a radical reinterpretation of history. Without this, the established paths of festivalalization and commercialization of the past will continue."

"From the war, post-war and trauma of the nomad-refugee, as well as from the intergenerational conflict, which is essentially a conflict of ideas on the horizon of old and new times, memories and nostalgia, an entire creative cosmos has actually grown in this post-Yugoslav space of ours (and in connection with it). It should be borne in mind that in the last 30 years an ocean of human, primarily artistic, scientific and literary-narrative creativity has grown that had its source in the topic of wars in the former Yugoslavia. The forces of restoration and rehabilitation of the worst historical patterns of governance, which want to write a new history of ideas and a new course of history, can hardly move this creative cornerstone."

"By working at all costs to avoid repeating the mistakes of previous eras and socio-political systems, for example, in relation to the Second World War. Today, monuments dedicated to this period, unfortunately, as a rule, formulate emphatic messages for the offspring, but the offspring rarely take them to heart and therefore, contrary to their mission, they themselves soon pass into history."

"I think that Serbia has the greatest influence on political, social, cultural and educational development in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Civic initiatives are almost powerless in this regard; the agency network of Serbian intelligence, political and ecclesiastical structures is incomparably stronger and more influential. Until Serbian society truly confronts its own past, there is no recovery of the region, no recognition and respect for the victims of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as transgenerational harmonization and preservation of the culture of remembrance."

"In today's context, the question arises: have the people of Srebrenica who survived the genocide achieved their rights? Are they perhaps threatened by another genocide? Let us recall that the genocide occurred because neighboring states sought to ethnically reshape Bosnia and Herzegovina, and that threat still exists. In post-war Bosnia, the dignity of those who were victims of genocide has not been restored, so that they can live in peace and hope for a better future."

"First of all, political structures, as well as citizens in Republika Srpska, would have to recognize Bosnia and Herzegovina as their state, stop denying the elementary facts about the war and stop celebrating war criminals and mass murderers, so there would be hope for transgenerational memory. It is difficult to talk about the culture of memory, where monuments to murderers are erected, where victims are mocked, where there is a conspiracy of silence, and few voices of reason are exposed to violence and ostracism."

"It is crucial, but restrained by the editorial policy of the media determined by the owners. Public services are working for the ruling coalitions and parties. The influence of the media and social networks has been crucial for all previous decades and will continue to be for the next thirty years."

"I do not see any prospects for the imminent construction of transgenerational memory in the service of truth. It is simply not in the interest of political leaders, nor of those aspiring to power (the opposition), because ethno-nationalism is the political germ of party building in the former Yugoslavia and it has always remained one of the basic instruments of governance. Preserving the memory of the truth about war events remains within the circle of independent and alternative initiatives (individuals and associations) in the fields of art, activism, education, and advocacy."

"Building an environment of intelligent space according to the principles of “value-neutral” scientific optics, especially in the field of humanities and social sciences. Establishing facts, going through a complex process of self-confrontation, and building society on the basis of science. Societies are built and destroyed EXCLUSIVELY through science and education."

"We know that the same history in the region is told as several completely different histories. These different 'histories' are not the result of real historical learning, but of subsequent rewriting, manipulation, presenting false narratives as true, neglect, emphasizing 'one's' real or fictional sacrifices in the foreground, at the expense of those 'others'. The former brotherhood and unity are presented as communist, not as a civilizational creation. Since the regimes of the states in the region are more autocratic than democratic, there is no chance that the real history of the Srebrenica genocide or the assessment of the silence about it will 'break through' the multitude of subsequently altered histories."

"I am very pessimistic about all these issues and some change of narrative, because I do not see any indication that any real dealing with the past has succeeded. This idea has been completely defeated, and in a permanently nationalist context, it is difficult to create a different one. The problem and future conflict I see will be between those who will be annoyed by every memory of the war and who will simply want a normal life without the role of memory in it, and those who will not agree to such a thing."

"Society often acts as if it is better not to remember, because if you ignore the problem – it may disappear. That is why it does not try to seriously deal with the understanding of that time in schools. Print media, unfortunately, have become so benign in relation to social networks that they no longer have a serious impact on forming opinions. And social networks do not encourage in-depth communication – it is not clickable."